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Posts Tagged ‘public investment’

The Left Edge of the Possible

Robert Kuttner

By Robert Kuttner
Co-Founder and Co-Editor of The American Prospect

My friend, the late Mike Harrington, used to describe his politics as “on the left wing of the possible.” It’s a fine aspiration. But if anything, economic problems have become more politically intractable since Mike died in 1989.

Scanning the various economic ills afflicting our Republic and its citizens, it’s evident that nearly all of the solutions lie beyond what is currently deemed thinkable in mainstream politics — beyond the left edge of the possible.

It’s not that my own views and values have become more radical in two decades. What has changed is that the American political center has shifted further to the right, while the twin assault on the good society by the private financial system and the organized right has become more intense.

There are only two possibilities: either we act to expand the boundaries of the possible, or we suffer the consequences.

Consider these five prime economic challenges:

Economic Recovery and the Budget. We are told by Beltway solons of both parties that the prime malady harming the economy is the budget deficit. But nobody can explain how fiscal austerity will promote economic recovery. On the contrary, the more we cut, the more we retard economic recovery and the more we remove the cushions that make the recession slightly more bearable for regular people. (more…)

The Chamber of Commerce Wants Infrastructure? Prove It

Bill Scher

By Bill Scher
Executive editor of LiberalOasis.com

Last week, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce released a joint statement with the AFL-CIO supporting President Obama’s call for increased public investment in infrastructure, which read:

Whether it is building roads, bridges, high-speed broadband, energy systems and schools, these projects not only create jobs and demand for businesses, they are an investment in building the modern infrastructure our country needs to compete in a global economy.

That’s great. Now it’s time for the Chamber to tell it to all those Tea Partiers it helped get elected to Congress.

No outside group spent more to help Republicans take over than Congress than the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, dropping $31 million funneled from undisclosed donors on ads that attacked supporters of economic stimulus for spending recklessly and failing to create jobs.

Funny thing about that is: a major supporter of President Obama’s stimulus law was the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. But instead of backing lawmakers who helped the member companies of the Chamber from suffering a full-blown Great Depression, the Chamber decided to punish them because many also backed reform of health care and Wall Street. (more…)

We Need 402,000 Jobs a Month. Does the Senate Get It?

Bill Scher

Bill Scher

 

 

By Bill Scher
Online editor for

Campaign for America’s Future

Source: Economic Policy Institute

Source: Economic Policy Institute

 Sen. Majority Leader Harry Reid unveiled plans for a series of job-related bills, but details remained sketchy apparently because negotiations are still ongoing to secure enough Republican support to avoid filibuster. Unsurprisingly, weaker tax cut proposals are more likely to get bipartisan support than robust public investment proposals.

So far, Senate leaders are not saying how big their proposals will be, nor how much jobs they are expected to create.

Perhaps they need us to put a fine point on how giant the jobs hole is that we’re in.

To return the level of employment we had before the recession began, we need to create 402,000 jobs month for three years straight.

The $154 billion House jobs bill won’t come close to filling that jobs gap either — only a third of the cost goes towards creating jobs, the rest to prevent layoffs and help the jobless — but it would least take a bigger step than what the Senate is cooking up.

Unless the magnitude of the jobs crisis is made clear, and unless the grassroots loudly demands bold action that meets the size of the crisis, the Senate process will be a race between the parties to see how small can you make a jobs bill and still call it a jobs bill.

Click here to tell your Senators: Pass a real jobs bill!

Jobs Now: The Urgency Of The Need

The official unemployment rate stood at 10.0 percent in December 2009. But that only tells part of the story. To understand the real magnitude of the recession, add those forced to work part-time or who have given up searching for a job altogether. That means a combined unemployment/underemployment rate of 17.3 percent. That’s 27 million Americans who need a full-time job. That’s double the number of people needing work in 2008.

We’re making progress, but not nearly enough. We still lost more than 7 million jobs since the recession began. According to the Economic Policy Institute, to fill the gap in employment and keep up with population growth, we need to create about 402,000 jobs a month over the next three years. That’s ambitious, but we’ve come close before: In 1994, the economy created an average of 320,000 jobs a month. But we never came close to that performance between 2001 and the start of the economic meltdown, and we’re certainly nowhere close to that right now.

CAF roundThe best jobs are disappearing most quickly. In December 2009, we lost a total of 85,000 jobs—but a third of those jobs were in the manufacturing sector. Overall, service-producing sectors have fared much better, and in some instances gained jobs, in the recession compared to the goods-producing sector. This indicates that workers may be settling for lower-paying jobs in order to find work.

 

America’s manufacturing sector has been on the decline as a result of offshoring, global competition and absence of a national industrial policy. In 1980, manufacturing jobs made up 20 percent of the workforce; today manufacturing represents just 9 percent of jobs. Since 2000, one in three manufacturing jobs has been lost—1.2 million of those in 2009.

CAF chartWe know what works. We just need the political will. We can jump-start the economy by putting people to work doing the work that needs to be done. Here are the facts:

  • Every dollar spent on infrastructure projects generates $1.59 worth of economic benefits: people hired, goods and services purchased, taxes paid. Every dollar spent on corporate tax cuts or on making the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy permanent only generates about 30 cents of economic benefit. (EPI/Moody’s Economy.com)
  • Every billion in federal transportation investment supports 35,000 jobs (SharedProsperity.org); every billion spent on school construction supports 8,000 jobs (Congressional Research Service).
  • Each billion spent on the Apollo Alliance green-energy investment program would create 200,000 jobs; the full $60 billion program would create 1.2 million short-tern and long-term jobs, plus yield billions of dollars worth of economic and environmental benefits. (Apollo Alliance)
  • A transaction tax on Wall Street trading of just 0.5 percent—less than one-tenth of the percentage tax many people pay in sales tax on clothes or a restaurant meal—would in 10 years cover the full cost of a robust jobs and economic recovery plan. It would have a negligible impact on routine stock trades but it could curb the kind of high-velocity, speculative trading that helped inflate the Wall Street bubble and set up the financial crash. (EPI)

With 27 million Americans out of work or underemployed, now is not the time to cut deficits and freeze spending. The Obama budget projects unemployment to be at 9.8 percent when the domestic discretionary spending freeze kicks in, and the biggest danger is that spending restraints will stall recovery—and increase deficits as mass unemployment continues.

***

In addition to writing for CAF, Huffington Post and Bloggingheads.tv, Bill Scher has his own blog at LiberalOasis.com. He’s also the author of the book, Wait! Don’t Move To Canada!: A Stay-and-Fight Strategy to Win Back America and a fellow of the Commonweal Institute.

Where Will the Jobs Come From?

Robert Borosage

Robert Borosage

Robert L. Borosage
Co-Director
Campaign for America’s Future

They are popping the bubbly on Wall Street. Million dollar bonuses; the Dow at 10,000; the casino is open again. Forget President Obama who says we can’t go back to an economy where finance pockets 40% of the profits. We’re already headed there.

The current account deficit is down as Americans have cut back spending. But the deficit with China is hitting new records; companies are still shipping manufacturing jobs over there. The dollar is down, but not against the Chinese currency. Forget about Federal Reserve Chair Ben Bernanke who warns against going back to the unsustainable trade imbalances that led us over the cliff. The old patterns are coming back.

Bernanke has announced that the recession is over, the recovery has begun. But to date, we are looking at a reversion, not a recovery. We’ve stopped the free fall, but we haven’t changed direction. There can be no recovery to the old economy that crashed when the housing bubble burst. That economy depended on Americans spending more than they earned, borrowing ever greater amounts, treating their homes like at ATM machine, while the Chinese lent us the money to keep interest rates down so we could buy the goods our companies made with the jobs they shipped over there.

Now that old economy didn’t work very well when it was growing. We lost high wage manufacturing jobs during the supposed “recovery” under Bush. Most Americans lost ground even while the economy was expanding. Household debts reached new highs. Inequality soared to Gilded Age extremes.

But now we can’t even get back to that performance. Americans have lost some $13 trillion in assets. They are tightening belts, trying to pay down debts, terrified as jobs are lost, hours cut, benefits slashed. Consumers won’t drive the US economy, much less the world’s. And businesses aren’t investing because consumers are cutting back. They are increasing profits by laying off workers and cutting back expenses. States and localities are headed into severe layoffs of teachers and police. The economy isn’t going to be buoyed by soaring exports to a world in recession. The only thing holding the economy up now is the deficit financed stimulus plan and the automatic stabilizers like food stamps and unemployment benefits.

Where will the jobs come from? Wall Street can produce another bubble, but that won’t put the 15 million without jobs to work, one third of which have been out of work for at least six months.

Recovery requires fundamental reform of America’s economic strategy. The old shibboleths of the conservative era – small government, cut top end taxes, free multinationals to move jobs abroad, deregulate finance, war on labor unions, trade deficits don’t matter – have failed ignominiously. They must be discarded, like yesterday’s rotted fruit.

Fundamental changes are needed. Trickle down should be supplanted by public investment led growth – large scale public investments in areas vital to our future like infrastructure, research and development, education and training. These investments should be deficit funded until the economy actually starts putting people back to work, and then sustained and paid for through progressive tax reform. Tax speculative security transactions, generating $100 billion a year in revenue to invest in a 21st century infrastructure that would put people to work and make the economy more productive. Raise top end taxes, reduce inequality, and invest in making college affordable or exploring the green technologies of the future.

We’ve pursued tax cuts, promising private investments would flourish. But much of the productive investment and lavish consumption went abroad. In reality, public investment would be far more effective. We have a staggering public investment deficit that must be met for a world efficient economy. Public investment is more likely to be invested, more likely to be spent here, more likely to create good jobs here, and far more likely to generate new technologies and productive private investments.

We need to complement this with a bold manufacturing strategy to make certain that we help lead the inevitable green industrial revolution, so the new technologies will be created and made in America. Shed the notion that we’ll benefit by importing windmills and solar cells and electric cars subsidized by China so that they are cheaper to us. We can’t exchange dependence on foreign oil with dependence on foreign made windmills. Make the public commitment to transition, and then use our purchasing power to invite the companies with the best technology to bid on contracts so long as they make it here in America. Not simply a timid buy America policy satisfied with the final assembly of parts and technologies made elsewhere, but moving entire supply chains so that our workers and engineers and entrepreneurs are familiar with cutting edge technologies that our inventors can soon surpass.

Complement this with a new global trade strategy. We can’t go back to current account deficits over 6% of GDP, financed by borrowing from abroad. China, now some ¾ of our manufactured goods deficit, is by far the hub of the problem. The President has wisely called on the international community to adjust cooperatively, challenging the Chinese and other mercantilist nations to expand domestic demand and reduce their reliance on exports, while the US exports more and buys less. But that isn’t going to happen so long as the Chinese are free to manipulate their currency, subsidize their exports, savage their workers and environment, and mandate global corporations transfer jobs and technology to them. So we’ll need to show some bite. A bold manufacturing policy around new energy will encourage companies, including Chinese companies, to make things here. But we should be debating putting a lid on our deficits, and announcing that we will move slowly to balance our trade. If all adjust, we can have more trade, not less, but we can’t go back to the old imbalances no matter what they do.

These must be complemented by financial reform that curbs the gambling and forces banks to make loans to Main Street again, and by a high wage policy – empowering workers, lifting the minimum wage, extending the public social contract. Finally, our economic policy – both monetary and fiscal – must be targeted at sustaining full employment as a priority, without letting inflation get completely out of control.

These ideas – heresies in the old conservative times – are but the beginning towards defining a new course. They will face fierce resistance from entrenched interests. But perhaps the biggest obstacle is the encrusted hold of old, bad ideas that should already have been discarded. You can see that in the calls for balancing the budget and cutting spending while unemployment is reaching new heights. Or the Republican chorus about cutting taxes, as if they had learned nothing. Or conservative Democrats railing against limited buy American policies. Or the administration proclaiming its opposition to industrial policy. Or conservatives railing against excessive regulation.

Inertia and interest drive us to revert, not reform. Only it won’t work. The old standards don’t play anymore. Sure, Wall Street can generate another bubble or two. But there is no recovery on that old path – only stagnation, crushing long term unemployment, growing inequality, a devastated middle class and a social tinderbox increasingly ready to explode. Eventually, we’ll have to change our course – the only question is how much pain we have to endure before we actually learn our lessons.

The price of consensus: Obama and Congressional Republicans

 

Robert Borosage

Robert Borosage

 

Robert L. Borosage

Co-Director Campaign for America’s Future

President elect Obama is calling for “swift and bold” action on his “American Recovery and Reinvestment Plan” to stop the hemorrhaging of the economy. He also wants to change the way Washington does business, “turn the page” on the petty partisanship of the last decades. He’s said to want “substantial Republican votes” for the plan. Politico reports he’s looking for as many as 80 votes in the Senate, requiring that more than twenty Republicans climb on board. He’s not only invited congressional Republicans to offer their ideas, he is building tax breaks into his plan that Republicans say would make it easier to support. (For updated reporting on this debate over the recovery package go here.)

Now Barack Obama has proven his political brilliance time and time again, so he has earned the benefit of any doubt. But frankly, this strikes me as a really dubious idea – both in terms of policy and politics.

In policy terms, the economy needs exactly what Obama calls for — swift and bold action.
But inviting Republicans into the discussions insures only one thing — delay. Their leaders, Mitch McConnell and the perpetually tanned John Boehner, have already scorned the need for dispatch, with Boehner calling for “public hearings in the appropriate committees.” Delay will simply ebolden the lobbyists swarming to get their special interest built into the plan. Obama has a better chance getting a sound bill passed quickly than opening it up to the feeding frenzy that is the normal legislative process.

Second, Obama’s aides say sensibly that they are looking to “do what works.” But tax cuts come in a distant second to public investment in actually creating jobs. We saw that last year when the rebate checks didn’t have much effect. Much of the money sensibly was used to pay down debt and didn’t do much to lift consumption or create jobs. Much of what was spent went to products made in China. In contrast, public investment will be spent, and it is more likely to create jobs here.

Reports are that the Obama plan, still being put together, will contain about 40% in tax cuts. Half of those are devoted to a $500 tax credit for middle and low income workers. Since middle class tax cuts were a centerpiece of the Obama presidential campaign, he’s right to dismiss those who say these are designed solely to win Republican support. He’s fulfilling a campaign promise that was designed to win voter support. And the money can be dispensed rapidly so the whatever effect they have could be felt quickly.

But the other half of the tax package reportedly will go to businesses — $150 billion or so. These are said to include a Republican measure – blocked repeatedly last year by the Democratic congress — to allow businesses to write off current losses retroactively against taxes paid on profits over the last five years. This will benefit significantly the very financial and housing companies that inflated profits blowing up the bubble that brought us this mess. Worse, there is little reason to assume that giving a tax break to businesses that are losing money will do much to create jobs. Treasury and the Federal Reserve have pumped in trillions in equity and credit to banks without getting them to make loans. Most companies will use the break simply to bolster their books. Businesses hire people when the markets for their products expand, not because they have more money in their coffers.

There’s also talk about a tax credit for companies that create new jobs. This sounds better but it will mostly reward companies for jobs that they would have created anyway. And worse, it will generate a tsunami of fraudulent maneuvers designed to qualify for the break. A retail store firing clerks because business is off isn’t likely to add someone to get the tax break. But the less scrupulous could well lay off three workers and hire back the one they meant to retain anyway to pocket the benefit. The administration will no doubt add provisions designed to discourage such fraud. But enforcement will be a nightmare with only one saving grace: effectively policing the provision will surely create more new jobs than the tax break itself.

Politically, Obama’s generosity is unlikely to be rewarded. The congressional Republican caucus is more conservative and clueless than ever. They will see Obama’s pe-emptive concessions as weakness, not generosity. They are already pocketing them and asking for more. Boehner is grousing about “the size of the package” Mitch McConnell responded by calling for more tax cuts and peddling the lunatic notion that rather than providing grants to states and localities to avoid massive layoffs — perhaps the most effective dollar for dollar spending that we can do in terms of saving jobs — the federal government should loan them the money instead. Republicans don’t want unemployment insurance to go to part-time workers, and oppose paying for health care for those who have been laid off. They are pushing for permanent reductions in capital gains and income tax rates for — imagine our surprise — business and the highest income earners. These are the very ideas that helped get us into this hole.

My guess is that Obama’s maneuver reflects a strategic decision, not a tactical one. Substantively, he wants a broad and inclusive package — “making sure [consumers] have money in their pockets, as well as “incentives for business” and “investing in job creating growth industries…” Politically, he seeks as broad a consensus as he can get on a bold measure in desperate times.

But he’s likely to pay a price both in delay and in diminished effectiveness for the plan that emerges. He’d be more likely to get a big and bold plan passed swiftly if he had put together his package, called on the Congress to pass it, invited Republicans to join or take the risk of standing in the way, while saving any concessions on business taxes until the end if he actually needed to round up the votes. I suspect that he’d have won just about as much Republican support that way.

Obama seems to be choosing a path that builds consensus at the potential cost of effectiveness. But if the plan fails, he’ll take the blame no matter how many Republicans vote for it. And Republicans will attribute the failure to government spending, no matter how much of the plan consists of tax cuts.

We shouldn’t treat this as a spectator sport. Americans should be getting in touch with their legislators — particularly Republican Senators and conservative Democrats — and calling on them to support the swift action the country so desperately needs.